“You got used to this in the House,” a Secret Service agent remarked as he led me through the Biden’s security perimeter at the InterContinental New York Barclay hotel. By the House, of course, he meant the White House—our insider lingo, the quiet privilege of those entrenched in the elite circles of journalism.

As I stood in a small circle of press, surrounded by agents, waiting to be led up the side stairs into the room with the President, I couldn’t recall security ever being this tight. The weight of the moment—after two assassination attempts on former President Trump—was not lost on anyone. It was, after all, an event on the margins of the UN with Zelenskyy and Biden. Starmer. Ursula von der Leyen. And countless others. All about to enter in a room with no more than thirty handpicked journalists, poised to record a footnote to history.

When the war in Ukraine began, I was in London. Lord Ashcroft was hosting one of his glittering book receptions in one of the scenic venues in Whitehall, and there—standing quietly in a corner—was the Ukrainian attaché, his presence dense with an unspoken sorrow. The following day, I was in the Stranger’s Bar at Parliament when one of the Lords leaned in and said, “This will be a long war. Like Afghanistan.” Whether it was a gut feeling or insider knowledge, he was right.

To step into the room with Biden and Zelenskyy, now two years into a war with no end in sight, knowing its place was already etched in history, was to feel the weight of the end of times—trapped in a conflict whose conclusion remained elusive. Zelenskyy maintains that the only path to peace lay in “forcing” Putin to end the war, yet the Kremlin counters that such an approach would yield no results.

From the very outset, Britain, under Boris Johnson’s and Sunak’s leadership, has taken a resolute stance in support of Ukraine, sending tanks straight to Kyiv and long-range missile. Right out of the gate, Britain has arguably been the most invested nation within the Western alliance, leading the charge in providing military assistance and moral backing to Ukraine. Their special friend, the land of the free under the mantle of Joe Biden was right up there coining the phrase “no matter what” in support of Ukraine, with the caveat of not closing the skies over Ukraine.

The very reason Biden withheld approval on Zelenskyy’s laundry list of requests lay in a stark security assessment: any escalation could spiral into a far larger conflict—something Biden is keen to avoid as he contemplates his legacy. Biden, after all, is a leader seasoned by history. He’s witnessed the fall of the Berlin Wall, the end of apartheid, and humanity’s collective efforts to stave off nuclear catastrophe. He’s stood at the heart of events that brought war criminals to justice. And he knows, even in moments of high drama, you can’t seal off every exit.

A war-weary Zelenskyy, still circling the globe in search of support, found himself once more at the 79th UN General Assembly in New York, thrust into the orbit of the world’s powerbrokers, determined to keep Ukraine front and center in the minds of the G7 and their allies. But with new crises flaring—Lebanon the latest, the Middle East in its endless turmoil—Zelenskyy must realize that he’s fighting more than just Russia. He’s battling for attention in a world where the media and political focus is ever-shifting, ever-drifting.

On his way to New York, Zelenskyy made it cleat that “This fall will determine the future of this war.” His vision was and still is a “just” peace.

September in New York is always the loveliest month—yet this time, a somber undercurrent ran through the air. Zelenskyy, the wartime president, sequestered in the Barclay Hotel, while outside, the city gleamed, untouched, as beautiful as ever. A striking juxtaposition: the rhythm of New York, relentless and always on the move, against the halted lives in Ukraine. What must pass through Zelenskyy’s mind, transplanted from a war zone to the city that never sleeps, knowing that decades will pass before Ukraine rebuilds?

The hotel room awaiting him alongside Biden and the world leaders boasted wallpaper and mouldings, enveloped mostly by a blue curtain. In front of the White House press pool, five rows of seats had been neatly arranged for the world leaders and high power guests, followed with three more rows reserved for the chosen members of the press. A bank of cameras stood further back, capturing the scene. Soft jazz played over the sound system, as though this were some chic funeral staged in the middle of fashion week, with everyone dressed to the nines.

A stage had been arranged with a presidential lectern flanked by two signs proclaiming “New York, NY.” The backdrop featured a large blue panel emblazoned with the phrase “Supporting Ukrainian Recovery and Reconstruction.” Two sizable TV screens echoed this message against a backdrop of blue and yellow.

As the event was running late I flicked through my email to see that Speaker Johnson dispatched a letter demanding that Ukraine’s President, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, immediately oust his Ambassador to the U.S., Oksana Markarova.

 President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy began his visit to the United States by visiting the Scranton Army Ammunition Plant, where components for artillery and mortar shells are produced. [ Photo credit: Public domain]
President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy began his visit to the United States by visiting the Scranton Army Ammunition Plant, where components for artillery and mortar shells are produced. [ Photo credit: Public domain]

After Ambassador Markarova organized a tour of an American manufacturing site in a political battleground state, led by a top political surrogate for Kamala Harris and deliberately excluding Republicans, they have lost trust in the Ambassador’s ability to fairly and effectively serve as a diplomat in this country, Johnson declared, insisting that Zelenskyy act without delay.

This isn’t Zelenskyy’s first time being caught in the political crossfire between Democrats and Republicans; the infamous call that led to Trump’s impeachment still looms large. Now, the Republican-led House Oversight Committee is probing the Pennsylvania trip, questioning whether the Biden administration “attempted to use a foreign leader to benefit Vice President Harris’s presidential campaign.” But then again, what is American politics without its taste for high-wire drama?

As the two-minute warning chimed, Biden entered, followed by world leaders standing in lockstep with the U.S. in its support of Ukraine. The leaders of the G7 unveiled a joint declaration—an ambitious manifesto of solidarity, outlining steps to fortify Ukraine. Under this declaration, Russia would be compelled to account for its war damages.

Russia’s sovereign assets in each jurisdiction would remain frozen until it ceased its aggression and compensated Ukraine for the devastation it had wrought.

The G7, alongside international partners, committed to delivering economic assistance to ensure Ukraine’s macro-financial stability, repair and rebuild critical infrastructure—including vital energy facilities—boost economic growth, enhance social resilience, and implement crucial reforms.

In addition, the G7 pledged to facilitate Ukraine’s swift and transparent absorption of donor financing.

Concrete actions were set to unfold following the G7 Summit in Apulia, which had resolved to launch Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration (ERA) Loans for Ukraine by year’s end. This initiative aimed to channel approximately USD 50 billion in additional funding to Ukraine, to be serviced and repaid by future extraordinary revenues derived from the immobilization of Russian sovereign assets held within the European Union and other relevant jurisdictions. A fraction of these funds would be earmarked for military assistance to Ukraine.

Moreover, the G7 would bolster Ukraine’s economic recovery and reconstruction through the Ukraine Donor Platform. This initiative would catalyze private sector contributions, leverage funding from bilateral agreements, the European Union, and international financial institutions, while also promoting Ukraine’s reform agenda in its bid for EU accession. Leaders would persist in assessing and monitoring progress through Ukraine Donor Platform meetings and the annual Ukraine Recovery Conference, the next of which would be hosted by Italy in 2025.

President Joe Biden speaks at an event launching the Declaration of Support for Ukrainian Recovery and Reconstruction, Wednesday, September 25, 2024, in New York City. (Official White House Photo by Adam Schultz)
President Joe Biden speaks at an event launching the Declaration of Support for Ukrainian Recovery and Reconstruction, Wednesday, September 25, 2024, in New York City. (Official White House Photo by Adam Schultz)

President Biden was set to speak first. Standing at the podium in a hotel at the heart of Manhattan, he opened with a familiar greeting for the world leaders: “Welcome to Washington.” Except, we were in New York. Beyond that, he delivered his address seamlessly assuring Ukrainians that they were “not alone in this fight,” nor in the monumental efforts of reconstruction that lay ahead. “We stand with Ukraine now and in the future,” said Biden.

Zelenskyy stepped up to the podium, visibly worn from the fight, and spoke in a sobering tone. Seeing him in person this time in NYC, he exuded a chilling sobriety, his demeanor a stark reflection of the gravity of the moment. Zelenskyy wasn’t trying to do a song and dance anymore. Earlier that morning he told UNGA that Putin seems to be “planning attacks on our nuclear power plants and the infrastructure, aiming to disconnect the plants from the power grid. He made it clear that “Any critical incident in the energy system could lead to a nuclear disaster.” He added, “A day like that must never come.”

Speaking from the podium of the Barclay hotel, Zelenskyy seemed resolute, ready for the war to end on fair terms for his country. “Today, we are laying the foundation for a similar architecture of recovery – one that will promote peace for Ukraine and all of Europe and the general welfare,” he said. “I am confident – life will prevail.”

Ursula von der Leyen radiated strength and presence. Her delivery was nothing short of captivating. “And Volodymyr, today you described how Russia tries to plunge Ukraine into the dark by massively targeting your energy infrastructure. Rest assured, together with our partners we are repairing, reconnecting and stabilising the energy supplies,” she said. “There is light for Ukraine,” she added. Von der Leyen emphasized that the EU will stand by Ukraine to help forge a “common future,” her words echoing with the promise of solidarity.

25/09/2024. New York, United States. Prime Minister Keir Starmer meets Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy for a bilateral meeting as he attends the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). Picture by Lauren Hurley / No 10 Downing Street
25/09/2024. New York, United States. Prime Minister Keir Starmer meets Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy for a bilateral meeting as he attends the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). Picture by Lauren Hurley / No 10 Downing Street

Prime Minister Keir Starmer was next to speak. The last time I encountered him was on the terrace of the UK Parliament during the Conservative leadership contest. We chatted about Britain and it struck me how just a summer ago, the Labour leader seemed light-years away from the Prime Minister’s seat. 

All eyes were at the moment fixated at Rishi and Truss. Flash forward to September 2024, and now Prime Minister Starmer stood at the podium, declaring, “Russia’s invasion of Ukraine defies everything the UN stands for, and it must be met with strength.” He added, “Russia must pay for Ukraine’s recovery.” Under Johnson, Truss, and Sunak, such a statement was merely aspirational. But now, in Starmer’s tenure, it had become a reality.

The very next day, Thursday, Zelenskyy was already in Washington DC for the White House meetings with Vice President Kamala Harris, who is seeking to bolster her foreign policy credentials ahead of Election Day, and President Biden for a bilateral discussion. Dressed in his trademark olive green pants and a black sweater adorned with the Ukrainian trident, Zelenskyy looked every bit the wartime leader. In the Oval Office at 2:18 pm, Biden sat across from him, ready to talk strategy.

“I raised with President Biden plan of victory today, we are preparing to discuss the details to transit plan, coordinate our positions, use and approach,” said Zelenskyy.

“Our teams will work together to ensure that implementation of our future steps, and today, in the morning, I’ve met with both Senate and the House, and thank you for that unwavering bipartisan support and to all American people together, we have to win global win.” 

Biden, in turn, thanked Zelenskyy for sharing his Victory Plan, emphasizing military funding and Ukraine’s long-term security. “We stand with Ukraine now and in the future… Let me be clear. Russia will not prevail in war,” assured Biden.

Despite the press shouting questions at Biden and Zelensky they did not respond to any of them.

In a separate meeting with Zelenskyy, Vice President Kamala Harris, who is currently engaged in a high-stakes presidential race against Donald Trump, delivered a stark message. “There are some in my country,” she stated alluding to Trump, “who would instead force Ukraine to give up large parts of its sovereign territory, who would demand that Ukraine accept neutrality, and would require Ukraine to forego security relationships with other nations.”

Harris drew a sharp comparison between these positions and those of Russia. “These proposals,” she continued, “are the same of those of Putin.” Harris said that what Trump is proposing “are not proposals for peace. Instead, they are proposals for surrender, which is dangerous and unacceptable.”

Zelenskyy expressed his gratitude for her role in the peace summit and said they were already preparing for a second one. “Now, we must end this war,” he stated firmly.

Zelenskyy reiterated the importance of his “Plan for Victory” and said he would share more of its details with Harris. “It’s crucial for us to be fully understood and to work in full coordination with the United States,” he added. He also noted his earlier meetings with members of Congress, expressing gratitude for the bipartisan support.

Zelenskyy stressed the importance of maintaining sanctions against Russia and advocated using frozen Russian assets to protect and train Ukrainian citizens, as well as fortify the frontline. “And of course, we must work hard to bring all Russian war criminals to justice.”

At 5:15 pm, Zelenskyy left the Eisenhower Executive Office Building. Walking down the steps, he approached his waiting limousine, where two Marines stood ready to open the door. Without much ado, he stepped inside, and the car quietly pulled away from the White House grounds.

With the elections too close to call and pressure mounting from Republicans accusing him of bias toward Trump—who might very well ascend to the presidency by November—Zelenskyy understands that meeting with Donald is essential for the interests of his country. The two convened in a closed-door meeting at Trump Tower for the first time in person since Trump’s impeachment, attended by a select handful of press.

“We’re going to work very much with both parties to try and get this settled and get it worked out,” Trump said, standing next to Zelenskyy. “It has to end. At some point, it has to end. He’s gone through hell. His country has gone through hell.”

September 25, 2019/ Zelenskyy meets Trump at the InterContinental New York Barclay in New York City. / Photo credit: Public domain
September 25, 2019/ Zelenskyy meets Trump at the InterContinental New York Barclay in New York City. / Photo credit: Public domain

After the Zelenskyy meeting, Speaker Johnson addresses the letter he sent to the President of Ukraine, urging the resignation of his ambassador to the United States. 

“My letter was very clear to President Zelenskyy, this was a major misstep at a time when he needs the support of everyone in America, from all parties,” Johnson told Martha MacCallum of the Fox News.

“He should not be showing up at a campaign event for Kamala Harris, which is effectively what that was. They flew him around on a taxpayer-funded jet to go to an event in Pennsylvania, one of the key swing states in the election, to appear with a panel of Democrats from the nominee for the Senate, the incumbent there, to House races, and the governor who showed up, who almost was the vice-presidential pick on the Harris ticket. It’s unacceptable. He can’t do that.”

Johnson added, ” I’m glad that he met with President Trump today, but he’s got a lot more to do, and I think removing the ambassador is an important step.”

As Washington shakes off the remnants of the UNGA week, it finds itself in the clutches of daily news and a rapidly approaching election—one that hangs perilously close, both in votes and in days.

Leaving America presented with the Victory Plan, Zelenskyy had a singular message.

“Russia must lose this war. Ukraine must prevail. This is the real foundation for our shared security—peace through strength.”

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Ksenija Pavlovic is the Founder and Editor-in-Chief of the Pavlovic Today, The Chief White House Correspondent. Pavlovic was a Teaching Fellow and Doctoral Fellow in the Political Science department at...

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